Nov 07, 1973
- Charmaine Bantugan
National Register of Historic Places -Robert Barnwell Rhett
Statement of Significant: Known as the "Great Secessionist," Robert Barnwell Rhett was one of the most effective and prominent of that circle of proslavery "fire-eating" radicals. Rhett in South Carolina joined with others like William Lowndes Yancey in Alabama to launch a carefully programmed campaign to sever the slaveholding states from the Union. Unlike the constitutional unionists or cooperationists of Robert Toombs brand for whom secessionist feelings evolved from the collapse of the compromises and disintegration of the national parties, Rhett sought secession early and eagerly. He utilized his newspaper, the Charleston Mercury and his eloquence to discredit any opportunity of compromise and was instrumental in unifying South Carolina's resistance to the central government. He successfully fought off attempts to postpone the State's secession convention. In addition, he had a major influence on the State's Ordinance of Secession and wrote the "Address to the Slaveholding States"—a report of South Carolina's act of separation and a call to like-minded states to join her. Biography: Robert Barnwell Rhett was born an aristocrat of Beaufort, South Carolina in 1800. Educated for the law, he entered practice in 1821. By wise investment in plantations, he increased his wealth until by 1850 he had 190 slaves on two estates. He maintained a town residence first in Walterboro and later, both in Charleston and Georgetown. Today, only the boyhood home in Beaufort and the Charleston townhouse remains. Rhett's fiery character was ripe for his political baptism in 1826 with his election to the state legislature. He became a passionate devotee of Robert J. Turnbull, who, in The Crisis summoned men to resistance against the protective tariff. Turnbull's notions of revolution and independent action left an indelible mark on Rhett's mind. For Rhett, logical conclusion relentlessly arrived at, had also to be relentlessly translated into action. His intellect, moral attitudes, and forceful character combined with a talented eloquence to win fervent loyalty of his constituents. He became associated with John C. Calhoun, but only grudgingly, and never quite successfully, accepted Calhoun's theory of peaceful, constitutional nullification. From 1837 to 1849 he was a member of Congress and was thrust to the forefront of the Calhoun "party." The failure of the "Southern Convention" of 1837-38, which sought the redress of abolitionist "excesses," reinforced Rhett's belief that radical action was called for. However, for the time being he sided with Calhoun's program for the control of the Democratic Party and his securing the Presidency as a means "to right the government." When Calhoun's presidential bid failed, Rhett despaired of success in the central forum and led the Bluffton movement for separate state action against the tariff. The Bluffton movement was defeated but Rhett was not. He began to oppose Calhoun and support Polk's administration. In 1850, the year of the Great Compromise, Rhett attended the Nashville Convention, assembled to create a Southern Right's Party and wrote its address. Returning to South Carolina he declared himself in opposition to the compromise and began his campaign for secession. Elected as Calhoun's successor he called on the state to secede once and alone. He expressed his confidence that South Carolina could go it alone, but assured his audiences that other slaveholding states would follow inevitably. Alarmed by new talk of cooperation and national unity, in 1858 he met with William Lowndes Yancey and other kindred firebrands, and together they decided that a Republican victory in 1860 was the only way to secession. Consequently, he set out to use his influential newspaper, the Charleston Mercury, to undermine confidence in the Democratic Party while proclaiming his adherence to it. In the meantime, Rhett had joyously learned of Yancey's success in breaking the Democratic Convention at Charleston. With a Republican victory in sight Rhett intensified his eloquence in support of resistance being cautious not to divide his audience with quibbles over method. His son became his instrument in the state legislature to block postponement of the proposed secession convention and to keep the body in session throughout the election to be prepared for immediate action following Lincoln's victory. Just as Rhett had calculated, action was swift, and, what's more, unanimous. Ironically, once separation was achieved and the Confederacy created, Rhett failed to secure the Presidency or any appointment. His proposals for diplomatic openings to Great Britain were rejected and nearly all the provisions he proposed for the new constitution were defeated. He lived through the Civil War a critic of Jefferson Davis and the Confederacy. His apologia--a history of the Confederacy--was never published. This arch revolutionist lived to witness the centennial anniversary of the American Revolution and died two months later.
National Register of Historic Places -Robert Barnwell Rhett
Statement of Significant: Known as the "Great Secessionist," Robert Barnwell Rhett was one of the most effective and prominent of that circle of proslavery "fire-eating" radicals. Rhett in South Carolina joined with others like William Lowndes Yancey in Alabama to launch a carefully programmed campaign to sever the slaveholding states from the Union. Unlike the constitutional unionists or cooperationists of Robert Toombs brand for whom secessionist feelings evolved from the collapse of the compromises and disintegration of the national parties, Rhett sought secession early and eagerly. He utilized his newspaper, the Charleston Mercury and his eloquence to discredit any opportunity of compromise and was instrumental in unifying South Carolina's resistance to the central government. He successfully fought off attempts to postpone the State's secession convention. In addition, he had a major influence on the State's Ordinance of Secession and wrote the "Address to the Slaveholding States"—a report of South Carolina's act of separation and a call to like-minded states to join her. Biography: Robert Barnwell Rhett was born an aristocrat of Beaufort, South Carolina in 1800. Educated for the law, he entered practice in 1821. By wise investment in plantations, he increased his wealth until by 1850 he had 190 slaves on two estates. He maintained a town residence first in Walterboro and later, both in Charleston and Georgetown. Today, only the boyhood home in Beaufort and the Charleston townhouse remains. Rhett's fiery character was ripe for his political baptism in 1826 with his election to the state legislature. He became a passionate devotee of Robert J. Turnbull, who, in The Crisis summoned men to resistance against the protective tariff. Turnbull's notions of revolution and independent action left an indelible mark on Rhett's mind. For Rhett, logical conclusion relentlessly arrived at, had also to be relentlessly translated into action. His intellect, moral attitudes, and forceful character combined with a talented eloquence to win fervent loyalty of his constituents. He became associated with John C. Calhoun, but only grudgingly, and never quite successfully, accepted Calhoun's theory of peaceful, constitutional nullification. From 1837 to 1849 he was a member of Congress and was thrust to the forefront of the Calhoun "party." The failure of the "Southern Convention" of 1837-38, which sought the redress of abolitionist "excesses," reinforced Rhett's belief that radical action was called for. However, for the time being he sided with Calhoun's program for the control of the Democratic Party and his securing the Presidency as a means "to right the government." When Calhoun's presidential bid failed, Rhett despaired of success in the central forum and led the Bluffton movement for separate state action against the tariff. The Bluffton movement was defeated but Rhett was not. He began to oppose Calhoun and support Polk's administration. In 1850, the year of the Great Compromise, Rhett attended the Nashville Convention, assembled to create a Southern Right's Party and wrote its address. Returning to South Carolina he declared himself in opposition to the compromise and began his campaign for secession. Elected as Calhoun's successor he called on the state to secede once and alone. He expressed his confidence that South Carolina could go it alone, but assured his audiences that other slaveholding states would follow inevitably. Alarmed by new talk of cooperation and national unity, in 1858 he met with William Lowndes Yancey and other kindred firebrands, and together they decided that a Republican victory in 1860 was the only way to secession. Consequently, he set out to use his influential newspaper, the Charleston Mercury, to undermine confidence in the Democratic Party while proclaiming his adherence to it. In the meantime, Rhett had joyously learned of Yancey's success in breaking the Democratic Convention at Charleston. With a Republican victory in sight Rhett intensified his eloquence in support of resistance being cautious not to divide his audience with quibbles over method. His son became his instrument in the state legislature to block postponement of the proposed secession convention and to keep the body in session throughout the election to be prepared for immediate action following Lincoln's victory. Just as Rhett had calculated, action was swift, and, what's more, unanimous. Ironically, once separation was achieved and the Confederacy created, Rhett failed to secure the Presidency or any appointment. His proposals for diplomatic openings to Great Britain were rejected and nearly all the provisions he proposed for the new constitution were defeated. He lived through the Civil War a critic of Jefferson Davis and the Confederacy. His apologia--a history of the Confederacy--was never published. This arch revolutionist lived to witness the centennial anniversary of the American Revolution and died two months later.
Nov 07, 1973
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